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Overview >
Toolkit on the rebellion >
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Select quotations from the period confirming
the Black Seminole slave rebellion
* next to end note link indicates analysis is included with end note. |
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Speaker & Citation |
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Date |
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Brevet Brigadier General
Duncan Clinch, a leading Florida planter, writing U.S. Adjutant
General Roger Jones about the Seminoles’ thoughts before the
outbreak of the Second Seminole War: “[I]f a sufficient
military force, to overawe them, is not sent into the
Nation, they will not be removed, & the whole frontier may
be laid waste by a combination of the Indians, Indian
negroes, & the Negroes on the plantations—It is useless to
mince this question.” [1] |
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January 22, 1835 |
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General
Joseph Hernandez
writing Florida Governor William Eaton before the Second Seminole
War requesting “that a part of the militia should be held in
readiness to protect the Inhabitants from any danger”: “Much
apprehension is already manifested by the community at large
on this subject. And particularly as there are a large
number of Negroes amongst the Indians, who may be under the
influence of Abolitionists of the North, whose machinations,
are now endangering our safety.” [2] |
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October 26, 1835 |
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Myer M. Cohen, an officer during the first months of the
war who wrote one of the first accounts of the conflict,
here describing the destruction of the St. Johns County sugar
plantations (see end note
for analysis of Cohen's assertion that slaves were faithful
to their masters): “The plantations extending from Cape Florida to
Augustine, were visited in turn, and nearly all the
buildings, including the sugar mills, were destroyed. It is
estimated that property to the amount of two hundred
thousand dollars was burnt in one week. Nothing was left
except the storehouses containing corn and provisions; these
were reserved by the Indians for their own consumption.
Independently of this destruction of property, the loss to
some of the planters was ruinous, in respect to their
negroes; upwards of three hundred having been carried off;
Col. Rees alone lost about one hundred and sixty. And here
we cannot but remark, in terms of high commendation, the
fidelity of some of the slaves to their masters. Ya-ha-Hago
and Abraham the black had been round to all the plantations,
some time previous to the commencement of hostilities, and
endeavored to seduce them from their allegiance to their
owners, with promises of liberty and plunder. With but few,
very few exceptions, they rejected the overtures, and
voluntarily preferred the condition in which fate or
providence had placed them.”
....
“The negroes of Gen.
Hernandez, and of Mr. Dupont, were singularly distinguished
for their truth and fidelity to their owners. To such
examples as these, we may proudly point those misguided men,
who are urging upon the public their schemes of mistaken
benevolence. A vast majority of our colored population, are
attached to their owners from motives of gratitude and
affection, and neither ask nor seek for an interference
which can do them no possible good. The ‘pale face’ will
find, as did the dark Yemassee of yore, and the red man of
our day, that the relation of owner and owned at the South,
is that of the protector and the protected—the kind, the
indulgent master—the fond, the faithful servant.” [3*] |
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Published in 1836,
describing events in December 1835 |
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Myer M. Cohen, the officer and
historian, describing more events at the time of the St.
Johns County uprising: “Soon after the departure
of Col. Warren for Fort Drane, intelligence reached Gen.
Hernandez at St. Augustine, that a large body of Indians
belonging to the tribe of Philip, and headed by an Indian
negro slave, by the name of John Caesar, had concentrated
themselves near the plantation of David Dunham, Esq., at
Mosquito—that they evinced a disposition to be hostile, and
had been tampering with the negroes, particularly those on
the plantations of Messrs. Cruger and Depeyster.” [4] |
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Published in 1836,
describing events in December 1835 |
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Myer M. Cohen, the officer and
historian, describing events at the time of the St. Johns
County uprising, after the burning of Dunham’s
plantation (see end note5
and end note 9 for context
on the claim that slaves were "captured" by the Indians): “So rapid were the movements of the
Indians in their devastations, that in four or five days
after the burning of Dunham’s house, and before Major Putnam
could reach Darley’s, they had burnt and destroyed the sugar
plantations of Messrs. Cruger and Depeyster, and taken their
negroes, about 45 in number, prisoners. The mills and houses
of Col. Rees, at Spring Garden, were also destroyed, and his
negroes, together with those of the estate of Woodruff,
Alexander Forrester, and Joseph Woodruff, amounting in all
to about 180, were carried off. The sugar plantation and
negroes of Mr. Heriot, about 80 in number, shared a similar
fate. With these negroes, amounting to more than 300, and
all the plunder and provisions which they could collect,
they moved off to their town at Tohopkeleky.” [5*] |
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Published in 1836,
describing events in December 1835 and January 1836 |
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Jane Murray Sheldon, one of the
refugees from the destruction St. Johns County plantations,
describing how she learned of slave participation in the
war: “We remained in St. Augustine two years, during which time I
saw many Indian prisoners, who were brought in to be sent
West. There were a good many negroes captured with them, and
it came to light that the negroes were in sympathy and had
aided them in the first outbreak. I saw a number of the Cruger and Depeyste [sic] slaves and from them learned that
they had secreted the Indians near there until the main body
came up. But they were glad enough to get away from the
Indians as they treated them cruelly.” [6*] |
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Dictated by
Sheldon in 1890 recalling events from Christmastime 1835 to
1837 |
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Anonymous, from a letter to the
Charleston Courier at the outset of the war, published in
Niles’ Weekly Register with a dateline of “St. Augustine,
Jan. 14”: “The force at present in East Florida, is too
small to compete with the Indians, whose strength and spirit
have been alike underrated …. But whatever be the plan of
operations, it should be quickly devised and promptly
pursued. There are now about 400 negroes, perhaps more, in
the hands of the Indians. The whole of East Florida is very
much at the mercy of the enemy….” [7*] |
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January 14, 1836 |
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Elias Wallen and
“Citizens of St. Augustine," conveying a message of
distress to the United States Congress, sent to Florida’s
Territorial Delegate to Congress, Joseph L. White, several
weeks after Dade’s massacre: “Now just conceive their
position [the Seminoles]—eight hundred or one thousand
warriors, animated by sentiments of hatred or revenge, and
well aware what is to be their fate upon losing their
superiority—with them three or four hundred Negroes of their
own, better disciplined and more intelligent than
themselves, to whom there is a daily accession of runaway
Negroes from the plantations, supplied with arms and
ammunition from the deceased whites.” [8] |
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January 20, 1836 |
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Secretary of War Lewis
Cass describing the slave uprising in his letter of instructions
sent to General Winfield Scott when Scott was en route to
assuming command in Florida: “You will see by some of the
accompanying documents that many of the negroes have been
captured by the Indians, and that there is reason to
apprehend they will be transported to Cuba. I have to ask
your particular attention to the measures indicated to
prevent the removal of those negroes and to insure their
restoration.
“You will allow no terms to the Indians
until every living slave in their possession belonging to a
white man is given up.” [9*] |
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January 21, 1836 |
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William Lloyd Garrison,
the famous abolitionist,
indicating his awareness (highly unique at the time) of the
nature of events in Florida in a letter to George Thompson: “The numerous Indian tribes on our southern and western
borders … are up in arms, carrying death and desolation in
their train, and not only defying but absolutely out-generalling
the U.S. troops. They have ravaged many plantations, killed
many inhabitants, and emancipated a considerable number of
slaves. Osceola, their chief, is a warrior who may be
considered the boldest, bravest, and most sagacious, since
the days of King Philip of New-England.” [10] |
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May 24, 1836 |
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General Thomas Sydney Jesup, upon assuming
command in Florida, writing Acting Secretary of War Benjamin
Butler with his assessment of the war: “This, you may be
assured, is a negro, not an Indian war; and if it be not
speedily put down, the south will feel the effects of it on
their slave population before the end of the next season.” [11] |
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December 9, 1836 |
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General Thomas Sydney Jesup, writing Secretary of War
Joel Poinsett about his secret arrangements with the
Seminole Indian chief Coa Hadjo (see end note for elaboration) during
the armistice in the spring of 1837: “The chiefs entered
into an engagement yesterday to surrender the negroes taken
during the war. They will deliver them to the commanding
officer of the post on the St. John’s.” [12*] |
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April 9, 1837 |
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White residents of
Florida, objecting to General Jesup’s initial terms for peace in 1837, which they feared
would allow too many slaves among the Seminoles to emigrate
west: “The regaining of our slaves constitutes an object of
scarcely less moment than that of the peace of the country.”
[13] |
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April 27, 1837 |
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General Thomas Sydney Jesup, writing Secretary of War
Joel Poinsett, indicating his view on the need for a policy
reconsideration allowing some Seminoles to remain in Florida
and driving a wedge between the interests of the Seminole
Indians and the Seminole Negro (maroon) allies: “The two
races, the negro and the Indian, are rapidly approximating;
they are identified in interests and feelings; and I have
ascertained that, at the battle of Wahoo, a negro, the
property of a Florida planter, was one of the most
distinguished of the leaders; and I have learned that the
depredations committed on the plantations east of the St.
John’s were perpetrated by the plantation Negroes, headed by
an Indian negro, John Caesar, since killed, and aided by
some six or seven vagabond Indians, who had no character
among their people as warriors.
“Should the Indians
remain in this Territory, the negroes among them will form a
rallying point for runaway negroes from the adjacent states;
and should they remove, the fastnesses of the country would
be immediately occupied by negroes.” [14*] |
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June 16, 1837 |
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General Thomas Sydney Jesup, writing an appeal for
militia to “His Excellency William Schley, Governor of
Georgia, Milledgeville, Ga.”: “From information which I have
received, at different times, and through different
channels, I have no doubt there is an understanding between
the Seminoles and a portion of the slave population of the
South; how far that connexion extends, is impossible to say;
but I consider it of the utmost importance to the
slaveholding States that the war be promptly brought to a
close.” [15*] |
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September 6, 1837 |
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John T. Sprague, a leading
officer of the war who went on to write the first
definitive history of the conflict, referring to slaves whom
General Joseph Hernandez captured and returned to citizens
between 1836 and 1838: “He captured important chiefs, and
restored to the citizens upwards of three hundred negroes,
who had been captured by the Indians.” [16] |
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Published in 1848,
describing events from 1836 to 1838 |
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Reprinted in
the Times (London), November 21, 1837, listed “From the
Savannah Republican of October 26,” in “a letter from a
correspondent, dateline of St. Augustine, Oct. 22, 1837”:
“70 or 80 negroes came into Fort Peyton a few days ago,
having escaped from the Indians; they belong chiefly to
Colonel Rees, of Stateburg [?], South Carolina; Major Heriot,
of Charleston; and estate of Woodruff.” [17*] |
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October 22, 1837 |
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General Thomas Sydney Jesup, reprising his actions
during the war in a letter sent to United States Secretary
of War Joel Poinsett: “Having been apprised, by prisoners
taken in the preceding campaign, of an arrangement entered
into previous to the war, through the Seminole negroes,
between the Indians and their slaves, that so soon as
hostilities should commence, the latter were to join them
and take up arms, I informed the Indians that all their
negroes must be separated from them, and sent out of the
country.” [18] |
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February 27, 1838 |
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From the petition of Joseph M. Hernandez to the Committee
of Claims, for losses suffered during the Second Seminole
War: "The plantation [of General Hernandez] had been
abandoned, and the houses, with their fixtures for the
manufacturing of sugar, had been destroyed by the
Indians.... [I]t appears, by the testimony of Mr. Brodnax,
that he withdrew again from the [Hernandez] plantation about
the last of April, because the troops were retiring; and so
closely was he pressed, that the Indians captured about a
dozen of the negroes as he was in the act of taking them
away." [19] |
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